One of Israel’s great tragedies — social and personal — is its high rate of persistent unemployment, which recently reached over 10% and may continue growing.
Like most of our socioeconomic problems, it is mostly self-inflicted.
Therefore, with a rational approach and some political will, it could be solved, albeit with some effort.
Filed under:
labor market
Milk in Israel costs five times more than in the US
What makes Israel’s unemployment situation unique is the fact that the number of foreign workers employed in Israel — between 200,000 to 300,000 — nearly equals the number of unemployed Israelis.
In addition, unemployment plagues mostly three sectors of the Israeli population: haredim, Arabs (especially women) and residents of so-called development towns.
It is widely believed Israel should get rid of foreign workers, either by forceful expulsion of those who are illegally here, or by more humanitarian economic steps. Since they are preferred because of their very low cost (as well as their dedication to hard work), some recommend imposing costs on their employment that would make them less attractive to Israeli employers.
Foreign workers are often paid less than the local minimum wage. In addition, Israeli employers also save the huge charges on employment that the government levies in the form of national insurance, health taxes and social benefits, charges that almost double the cost of employment, pricing low skilled Israeli workers out of the market.
The heavy costs imposed by government on Israeli labor explain why Israeli employers prefer the cheaper foreign worker. But why do foreign workers yearn to come and work in Israel despite the low pay? Why is it that despite the hue and cry that they are being terribly exploited, foreign workers from practically every third world country beat their path to Israel?
Why are they ready to pay large sums of money to Israelis who smuggle them in, and then suffer the many indignities and hard labor imposed on them without complaint to the authorities? And why, when Israeli workers are offered low-skilled jobs for nominally better pay, are there so few takers?
The answer is in the different purchasing power that low Israeli wages offer to foreign workers vs Israeli workers. Foreign workers are eager to earn Israel’s lowest wages because when they are translated into dollars they can amount to 10 times what they earn at home in parity. In purchasing power, however, they can amount to 20 times or more. So by working hard for several years and living a close to subsistence existence in Israel they manage to save a small bundle. In their low-cost countries such small sums are a treasure, affording the workers a unique opportunity to lift themselves out of perpetual poverty and misery (which our kindhearted liberals, caring so much about the “exploited,” would deny them). This is why they are so eager to come and work here.
Conversely, the Israeli worker who spends his shekels in Israel does not benefit from the high purchasing power those shekels would command in third world countries. Worse still, he is actually overcharged by a third to a half on everything he buys by the monopolies and cartels that dominate our economy.
Two recent Channel 1 programs compared food prices in Israel and the US. Prices in Israel were four to eight times higher than in America. Milk is five times the price in the US, though American cows do not seem starved and US farmers are at least as well off as Israeli ones.
Great disparities also exist regarding most other consumer items, as well as other necessities and services.
ISRAELI WAGE earners are simply robbed blind by our rapacious elites and by strong interest groups such as farmers. This is why even families where two adults work cannot often make ends meet.
With the alternative of getting pretty generous unemployment benefits, income supplements and various social benefits — that often amount to more than what the average worker earns — and with additional income from occasional employment in the underground economy, it is small wonder that, offered jobs, many of the unemployed refuse to take them.
It is therefore questionable whether the effort to create substantial employment for Israelis by simply having them replace evicted foreign workers can bring significant results without addressing the monopoly-inflated costs that devalue the purchasing power of wages.
But since the price of labor reflects not only the purchasing power of wages but also productivity, certain structural rigidities of the Israeli labor market that impede productivity and keep wages depressed must also be addressed if government wants to improve labor markets.
However, suggestions — such as those offered in a September 1 Post editorial — that the government subsidize wages are only an invitation to further distortions, for an aggravation of the problem rather than its solution.
It is surprising to find that people still believe government can hand out subsidies in a beneficially targeted way that serves “the common good” without getting enmeshed in political preferences and favoritism. Cutting the extraordinary costs government imposes on employment is a much more efficient and equitable way of encouraging employment than subsidizing it.
The three sectors that suffer most from unemployment — haredim, Arabs and residents of development towns, have different social factors influencing their low participation in the labor force. What they share in common is a long-term reliance on Israel’s welfare system. They also benefit from counterproductive handouts, especially generous aid to large families. This aid and other significant social benefits increase, of course, when the head of the family is unemployed.
Labor law and regulation also have a strong impact on productivity and employment. During over 70 years of Labor rule Israel instituted a plethora of “progressive,” namely socialist, labor rules that badly distorted incentives to increase productivity. They also made labor markets so rigid that they are unable to respond to economic change or growth. Labor courts are staffed by many old socialists and statists who have no respect for property rights. They can be always relied upon to support the most outrageous union claims, imposing additional high costs on employment.
It should not come as a great surprise, then, that government gets what it pays for, and that it gets less of what it taxes most. Employment is highly taxed, so there is much less of it — in fact only 53% of Israelis participate in the workforce (in addition every third one is employed in the nonproductive public sector) compared to 65% in the OECD and many more in the US.
Unemployment is handsomely rewarded, so it keeps growing. It is up to government to change all this. Binyamin Netanyahu promises to do so.
Log in or Register
Why they don’t work
The Jerusalem Post
11 Sep ’03
One of Israel’s great tragedies — social and personal — is its high rate of persistent unemployment, which recently reached over 10% and may continue growing.
Like most of our socioeconomic problems, it is mostly self-inflicted.
Therefore, with a rational approach and some political will, it could be solved, albeit with some effort.
Filed under:
labor market
Milk in Israel costs five times more than in the US
What makes Israel’s unemployment situation unique is the fact that the number of foreign workers employed in Israel — between 200,000 to 300,000 — nearly equals the number of unemployed Israelis.
In addition, unemployment plagues mostly three sectors of the Israeli population: haredim, Arabs (especially women) and residents of so-called development towns.
It is widely believed Israel should get rid of foreign workers, either by forceful expulsion of those who are illegally here, or by more humanitarian economic steps. Since they are preferred because of their very low cost (as well as their dedication to hard work), some recommend imposing costs on their employment that would make them less attractive to Israeli employers.
Foreign workers are often paid less than the local minimum wage. In addition, Israeli employers also save the huge charges on employment that the government levies in the form of national insurance, health taxes and social benefits, charges that almost double the cost of employment, pricing low skilled Israeli workers out of the market.
The heavy costs imposed by government on Israeli labor explain why Israeli employers prefer the cheaper foreign worker. But why do foreign workers yearn to come and work in Israel despite the low pay? Why is it that despite the hue and cry that they are being terribly exploited, foreign workers from practically every third world country beat their path to Israel?
Why are they ready to pay large sums of money to Israelis who smuggle them in, and then suffer the many indignities and hard labor imposed on them without complaint to the authorities? And why, when Israeli workers are offered low-skilled jobs for nominally better pay, are there so few takers?
The answer is in the different purchasing power that low Israeli wages offer to foreign workers vs Israeli workers. Foreign workers are eager to earn Israel’s lowest wages because when they are translated into dollars they can amount to 10 times what they earn at home in parity. In purchasing power, however, they can amount to 20 times or more. So by working hard for several years and living a close to subsistence existence in Israel they manage to save a small bundle. In their low-cost countries such small sums are a treasure, affording the workers a unique opportunity to lift themselves out of perpetual poverty and misery (which our kindhearted liberals, caring so much about the “exploited,” would deny them). This is why they are so eager to come and work here.
Conversely, the Israeli worker who spends his shekels in Israel does not benefit from the high purchasing power those shekels would command in third world countries. Worse still, he is actually overcharged by a third to a half on everything he buys by the monopolies and cartels that dominate our economy.
Two recent Channel 1 programs compared food prices in Israel and the US. Prices in Israel were four to eight times higher than in America. Milk is five times the price in the US, though American cows do not seem starved and US farmers are at least as well off as Israeli ones.
Great disparities also exist regarding most other consumer items, as well as other necessities and services.
ISRAELI WAGE earners are simply robbed blind by our rapacious elites and by strong interest groups such as farmers. This is why even families where two adults work cannot often make ends meet.
With the alternative of getting pretty generous unemployment benefits, income supplements and various social benefits — that often amount to more than what the average worker earns — and with additional income from occasional employment in the underground economy, it is small wonder that, offered jobs, many of the unemployed refuse to take them.
It is therefore questionable whether the effort to create substantial employment for Israelis by simply having them replace evicted foreign workers can bring significant results without addressing the monopoly-inflated costs that devalue the purchasing power of wages.
But since the price of labor reflects not only the purchasing power of wages but also productivity, certain structural rigidities of the Israeli labor market that impede productivity and keep wages depressed must also be addressed if government wants to improve labor markets.
However, suggestions — such as those offered in a September 1 Post editorial — that the government subsidize wages are only an invitation to further distortions, for an aggravation of the problem rather than its solution.
It is surprising to find that people still believe government can hand out subsidies in a beneficially targeted way that serves “the common good” without getting enmeshed in political preferences and favoritism. Cutting the extraordinary costs government imposes on employment is a much more efficient and equitable way of encouraging employment than subsidizing it.
The three sectors that suffer most from unemployment — haredim, Arabs and residents of development towns, have different social factors influencing their low participation in the labor force. What they share in common is a long-term reliance on Israel’s welfare system. They also benefit from counterproductive handouts, especially generous aid to large families. This aid and other significant social benefits increase, of course, when the head of the family is unemployed.
Labor law and regulation also have a strong impact on productivity and employment. During over 70 years of Labor rule Israel instituted a plethora of “progressive,” namely socialist, labor rules that badly distorted incentives to increase productivity. They also made labor markets so rigid that they are unable to respond to economic change or growth. Labor courts are staffed by many old socialists and statists who have no respect for property rights. They can be always relied upon to support the most outrageous union claims, imposing additional high costs on employment.
It should not come as a great surprise, then, that government gets what it pays for, and that it gets less of what it taxes most. Employment is highly taxed, so there is much less of it — in fact only 53% of Israelis participate in the workforce (in addition every third one is employed in the nonproductive public sector) compared to 65% in the OECD and many more in the US.
Unemployment is handsomely rewarded, so it keeps growing. It is up to government to change all this. Binyamin Netanyahu promises to do so.
More recent commentary
The New Republic
19 May ’11
Economic Miracle
A Middle East peace strategy that could actually work.
The Jerusalem Post
15 Mar ’11
The government-tycoons-media triangle
Israel needs to slash its state budget by as much as possible if it wants a chance at fighting waste and corruption.
The Jerusalem Post
9 Mar ’11
Welfare and rebellion: The economic factor in the Arab uprisings
Too little attention has been paid to how Egypt’s socialist past and welfare-state present shaped the current rebellion.
The Jerusalem Post
7 Feb ’11
Is all quiet on the economic front?
The Herzliya Conference has become an important international event, but one central issue is absent: Israel’s debilitating economic concentration.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Jan ’11
Teaching an elephant to dance
It’s highly unlikely that government can ever learn to make long-term plans and execute them efficiently.
The Jerusalem Post
23 Dec ’10
Hellenization and Enlightenment: Post-Hanukka ruminations
How can one dare compare narrow-minded religion with the all-embracing faith of universality and equality that is socialism?
The Jerusalem Post
1 Dec ’10
Would Milton Friedman have approved?
Many of the social and economic troubles we are experiencing are due to the public’s lack of understanding of the need for economic literacy.
The Jerusalem Post
17 Oct ’10
Perverting public discourse
The PM’s courageous decision to tackle economic concentration was misrepresented by several of our media publications—owned of course by tycoons.
The Wall Street Journal
8 Oct ’10
Breaking Israel’s monopolies
Economic concentration hurts the country’s viability and the chances for peace.
The Jerusalem Post
4 Oct ’10
Israel’s progress undermined
A damaging ethos of ‘welfarism’ and distributive politics has come to dominate not only academia but our cultural, military and even our business elites.
The Jerusalem Post
19 Aug ’10
Unable to decide
The reformers must know the importance of the reform’s success both for Israel and for their careers, and what damage they will incur if it fails.
The Jerusalem Post
13 Jul ’10
Elana Kagan, terrorism and the law
Kagan’s admiration for Justice Aharon Barak’s philosophy may have revealed her own predilection for radical judicial activism.
The Jerusalem Post
30 May ’10
Yes, break them up
We must dismantle the oligarch-owned monopolies that impoverish the Israeli consumer and choke our economy.
The Wall Street Journal
18 May ’10
Land of silicon and money
The OECD’s invitation to Israel is a “seal of approval” but the country still needs more reforms.
The Jerusalem Post
10 Feb ’10
The surprise of it all
The world’s astonishment at Israel’s response to the Haiti disaster is insulting. What we saw there was Israel’s true face.
The Jerusalem Post
10 Jan ’10
Hi-tech prospects and pitfalls
Individual initiative and freedom are essential for creativity—in hi-tech as in all other spheres.
The Jerusalem Post
14 Oct ’09
A woman who knew her worth
As far as Rose Friedman was concerned, public kudos did not matter that much. She persisted in being a rose, no matter what.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Sep ’09
Movies in Nablus, dramas in Bethlehem
Lasting peace must grow from the bottom up, from an “economic peace process” that proves what advantages peace has to offer on a daily basis. It cannot come from signing peace agreements with radical and corrupt entities propped up by corrupting Western handouts.
The Jerusalem Post
15 Aug ’09
Israel’s ‘scrambled’ economic system
A courageous recent film has exposes the strong connection between Israeli oligarchs and bureaucrats. Unfortunately however the film’s simplistic pseudo-Marxist treatment is more misleading than revealing.
The Jerusalem Post
24 May ’09
The economy: look to the future
Netanyahu paid heavily to pass a budget in time; his “partners”’ bargaining tactics, bordering on blackmail, reflect poorly on our politics.
The Jerusalem Post
4 May ’09
Reform: prospects and pitfalls
Binyamin Netanyahu’s recent economic plan has great promise but faces obstacles—such as the media and the Histadrut—that may undermine its success.
The Jerusalem Post
11 Apr ’09
Big government? Yes, but there’s a reason
Is Binyamin Netanyahu’s government too big? Yes. So why would Netanyahu create such an unwieldy beast?
The Jerusalem Post
30 Mar ’09
To bail or not to bail
Should the government bail out those of our tycoons who cannot redeem NIS 100 billion worth of bonds?
The Wall Street Journal
12 Mar ’09
Mideast peace can start with economic growth
Billions of dollars in foreign aid to the Palestinians has resulted in war not peace. There’s a better way.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Feb ’09
Warning cries from Herzliya
The government is dysfunctional. The question is why—and how to mend it.
The Jerusalem Post
2 Feb ’09
A lesser economic evil
All government deficit spending is bad. But sometimes deficits are unavoidable. And some deficits are better then others.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Dec ’08
Spinners and cheaters
Why not exploit the crisis to destroy what little freedom Netanyahu’s reforms brought to the economy? Why care if the country will lose its only hope of deliverance from the economic retardation caused by our statist heritage?
The Jerusalem Post
3 Dec ’08
Precipitating the next collapse
Focusing on a putative pension crisis distracts our attention from the real serious crisis that a worldwide recession is bound to create here.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Oct ’08
The panic-mongers’ one-note chorus
The country, the pundits conclude, must return to the good old days of “social democracy.”
The Jerusalem Post
15 Jul ’08
The banks are bamboozling us again
In the name of stability the comptroller has ignored many of the banks’ offenses.
The Jerusalem Post
29 Apr ’08
An Irish-style banana republic
It must be either naiveté or cynicism that allows “Israel 2028” to recommend a reform that will make government a larger and a more efficient instrument for economic growth.
The New York Sun
29 Apr ’08
Israel still doesn’t get economy
Israel’s elites—especially the chattering classes in the press and the academy—are hostile to capitalism because our universities’ social sciences and liberal arts departments are dominated by post-modernist and neo-Marxist professors.
Ideas matter. Hostility to capitalism exacts a great price from the Israeli economy and from its hapless workers.
inFocus
2 Apr ’08
US charity to Israel reconsidered
Jewish institutional efforts must now undergo a period of reform and greater accountability. Some charitable efforts should be privatized. Individuals or groups of donors must take personal responsibility for specific projects, to ensure that funds are dispensed in a responsible and cost effective manner.
The Wall Street Journal
8 Mar ’08
Israel’s no-win strategy
Israeli politicians are preoccupied with political machinations designed to buy support from powerful interest groups by distributing government largesse. This causes not only the factionalization of politics and growing corruption, but consumes time and energy that leadership should use to address life and death issues.
The Jerusalem Post
20 Feb ’08
Dangerous infatuation
Government can no more control powerful economic forces than it can the rise and fall of tides. To effectively fulfill its nightwatchman role—to protect us from internal and external violence and to enforce contracts—government must be kept limited.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Jan ’08
What’s ‘public’ about their broadcasting?
Our “public channel,” funded by a compulsive tax, does not need to be pluralistic or even-handed.
Like other public institutions that lack well-defined ownership, Channel 1 has consequently been taken over by bureaucrats and by undemocratic workers’ unions.
The Jerusalem Post
21 Nov ’07
A year without Milton Friedman
This man did more good for humanity than any other.
The Jerusalem Post
17 Oct ’07
Getting beyond the teachers’ strike
As long as education remains a government monopoly, it is bound to function like all other government monopolies, where union bosses fill the vacuum that lack of defined ownership creates, and monopoly power allows them to blackmail the public.
The Jerusalem Post
19 Sep ’07
A healthy dose of skepticism
In the wake of the Second Lebanon War, there is hope that the phenomenal performance of the economy will finally make Israelis realize the crucial role it plays in their lives.
The Jerusalem Post
14 Aug ’07
How to grow Israeli hi-tech
At the recent Merage Foundation conference to help Israel’s hi-tech sector grow, calls were heard for more government “direction”. This despite sixty years of massive government intervention and “development efforts” that have led mostly to massive failures and waste.