Israel’s elites—especially the chattering classes in the press and the academy—are hostile to capitalism because our universities’ social sciences and liberal arts departments are dominated by post-modernist and neo-Marxist professors.
Ideas matter.
Hostility to capitalism exacts a great price from the Israeli economy and from its hapless workers.
Filed under:
education
When the subprime crisis turned nasty recently and there was talk that the American financial system and its economy may collapse, Israeli public opinion molders reacted with glee to the prospect of this impending doom—choosing apparently to forget what calamity such a crisis may be for Israel.
Even some of our top economic commentators, who usually understand economics enough to appreciate the benefits of the market economy, seem to have gotten cold feet. They began writing about the deep and innate problems of capitalism that inevitably produce repeated serious crises. This may make capitalism, which they fear destroys social cohesion, unsuitable for a vulnerable Israel, they concluded.
This firestorm of anti-capitalist propaganda generated many distressed calls from graduates of our pro-market university seminars. We had little trouble explaining to them that yes, even capitalism was far from perfect, that any human system reflects not only our strengths but, alas, also our weaknesses.
The same economic system that brought about the greatest advance in human welfare is, nevertheless, subject to serious flaws, some deriving from human imperfections, others from its internal dynamics and from the limitations of knowledge. A system that rewards risk-taking will often reap a rich harvest, but it will also, inevitably, fail—and occasionally in a big way.
After two decades of unprecedented growth in market economies and their surrogates, problems were bound to accumulate. Some are due to the human proclivity to throw caution to the wind in periods of prolonged prosperity, some to simple greed and hubris. Others derived from the impossibility of predicting what unintended consequences and attendant risks are involved in the resort to those daring financial innovations which made this spectacular growth possible.
The extension of features of the market economy—like open trade to dictatorial or chaotic regimes that are not really committed to its disciplines and are only too eager to exploit the trust underlying market transactions—was perhaps the unavoidable price paid for the great benefits of this expansion. These regimes took advantage of loopholes in the system and dangerously manipulated trade flows, like the Chinese did with the manipulation of the yuan’s rate of exchange.
It will take time, we assured our students, but this very painful crisis will be resolved with less pain if governments are wise enough to limit their intervention to only the absolutely necessary prevention of sudden dramatic crises. Otherwise, as in the Great Depression, foolish or malicious government intervention may deepen the crisis and worsen the pain.
As for those pundits who prophesize that the American economy will go into a tailspin and will be overtaken by Europe and the Far East, recall that in the past there were those who prophesized that Japan will overtake America — and look what actually transpired. The more open an economy is, the better it will weather the storm. Market forces will hasten to mend flaws and discard dead wood.
Why are Israel elites, especially the chattering classes in the press and the academy and such, and also those in business, so hostile to capitalism?
Some hostility derives from Israel’s long socialist heritage. It has inculcated the belief that capitalism is a regime of “cutthroat” competition that encourages people to exploit each other. This becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy in the government- and monopoly-riddled Israeli economy where exploitative practices become the norm.
Our universities perpetuate this destructive anti-capitalist lore. Far more than in American universities, their social sciences and liberal arts departments are dominated by post-modernist (namely nihilist) and neo-Marxist professors. Given immunity by tenure they exploit their position for Marxist indoctrination, excluding any opposing ideas from class.
Their influence is such that the Hebrew University has just launched a school for Social Leadership sponsored and directed by an arm of the notoriously anti-Zionist and anti-capitalist New Israel Fund, Shatil. In the Bezalel Art School even art history is taught through the teaching of Marx and Engels.
Hostility toward capitalism has grave consequences. It is responsible for the fact that despite its world-class human capital and huge foreign investments from abroad, non-competitive Israeli enterprises have less than half the productivity of American enterprises, and Israel cannot afford to pay its talented workers more than about $1,500 a month—and prices are often higher here than in New York because Israeli monopolies inflate the price of all consumer goods.
Yes, ideas do matter. They motivate behavior. Hostility to capitalism exacts a great price from the Israeli economy and from its hapless workers. The sooner we liberate ourselves from the grip of anti-capitalist propaganda, the better our chances of survival will be.
Log in or Register
Israel still doesn’t get economy
The New York Sun
29 Apr ’08
Israel’s elites—especially the chattering classes in the press and the academy—are hostile to capitalism because our universities’ social sciences and liberal arts departments are dominated by post-modernist and neo-Marxist professors.
Ideas matter.
Hostility to capitalism exacts a great price from the Israeli economy and from its hapless workers.
Filed under:
education
When the subprime crisis turned nasty recently and there was talk that the American financial system and its economy may collapse, Israeli public opinion molders reacted with glee to the prospect of this impending doom—choosing apparently to forget what calamity such a crisis may be for Israel.
Even some of our top economic commentators, who usually understand economics enough to appreciate the benefits of the market economy, seem to have gotten cold feet. They began writing about the deep and innate problems of capitalism that inevitably produce repeated serious crises. This may make capitalism, which they fear destroys social cohesion, unsuitable for a vulnerable Israel, they concluded.
This firestorm of anti-capitalist propaganda generated many distressed calls from graduates of our pro-market university seminars. We had little trouble explaining to them that yes, even capitalism was far from perfect, that any human system reflects not only our strengths but, alas, also our weaknesses.
The same economic system that brought about the greatest advance in human welfare is, nevertheless, subject to serious flaws, some deriving from human imperfections, others from its internal dynamics and from the limitations of knowledge. A system that rewards risk-taking will often reap a rich harvest, but it will also, inevitably, fail—and occasionally in a big way.
After two decades of unprecedented growth in market economies and their surrogates, problems were bound to accumulate. Some are due to the human proclivity to throw caution to the wind in periods of prolonged prosperity, some to simple greed and hubris. Others derived from the impossibility of predicting what unintended consequences and attendant risks are involved in the resort to those daring financial innovations which made this spectacular growth possible.
The extension of features of the market economy—like open trade to dictatorial or chaotic regimes that are not really committed to its disciplines and are only too eager to exploit the trust underlying market transactions—was perhaps the unavoidable price paid for the great benefits of this expansion. These regimes took advantage of loopholes in the system and dangerously manipulated trade flows, like the Chinese did with the manipulation of the yuan’s rate of exchange.
It will take time, we assured our students, but this very painful crisis will be resolved with less pain if governments are wise enough to limit their intervention to only the absolutely necessary prevention of sudden dramatic crises. Otherwise, as in the Great Depression, foolish or malicious government intervention may deepen the crisis and worsen the pain.
As for those pundits who prophesize that the American economy will go into a tailspin and will be overtaken by Europe and the Far East, recall that in the past there were those who prophesized that Japan will overtake America — and look what actually transpired. The more open an economy is, the better it will weather the storm. Market forces will hasten to mend flaws and discard dead wood.
Why are Israel elites, especially the chattering classes in the press and the academy and such, and also those in business, so hostile to capitalism?
Some hostility derives from Israel’s long socialist heritage. It has inculcated the belief that capitalism is a regime of “cutthroat” competition that encourages people to exploit each other. This becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy in the government- and monopoly-riddled Israeli economy where exploitative practices become the norm.
Our universities perpetuate this destructive anti-capitalist lore. Far more than in American universities, their social sciences and liberal arts departments are dominated by post-modernist (namely nihilist) and neo-Marxist professors. Given immunity by tenure they exploit their position for Marxist indoctrination, excluding any opposing ideas from class.
Their influence is such that the Hebrew University has just launched a school for Social Leadership sponsored and directed by an arm of the notoriously anti-Zionist and anti-capitalist New Israel Fund, Shatil. In the Bezalel Art School even art history is taught through the teaching of Marx and Engels.
Hostility toward capitalism has grave consequences. It is responsible for the fact that despite its world-class human capital and huge foreign investments from abroad, non-competitive Israeli enterprises have less than half the productivity of American enterprises, and Israel cannot afford to pay its talented workers more than about $1,500 a month—and prices are often higher here than in New York because Israeli monopolies inflate the price of all consumer goods.
Yes, ideas do matter. They motivate behavior. Hostility to capitalism exacts a great price from the Israeli economy and from its hapless workers. The sooner we liberate ourselves from the grip of anti-capitalist propaganda, the better our chances of survival will be.
More recent commentary
The New Republic
19 May ’11
Economic Miracle
A Middle East peace strategy that could actually work.
The Jerusalem Post
15 Mar ’11
The government-tycoons-media triangle
Israel needs to slash its state budget by as much as possible if it wants a chance at fighting waste and corruption.
The Jerusalem Post
9 Mar ’11
Welfare and rebellion: The economic factor in the Arab uprisings
Too little attention has been paid to how Egypt’s socialist past and welfare-state present shaped the current rebellion.
The Jerusalem Post
7 Feb ’11
Is all quiet on the economic front?
The Herzliya Conference has become an important international event, but one central issue is absent: Israel’s debilitating economic concentration.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Jan ’11
Teaching an elephant to dance
It’s highly unlikely that government can ever learn to make long-term plans and execute them efficiently.
The Jerusalem Post
23 Dec ’10
Hellenization and Enlightenment: Post-Hanukka ruminations
How can one dare compare narrow-minded religion with the all-embracing faith of universality and equality that is socialism?
The Jerusalem Post
1 Dec ’10
Would Milton Friedman have approved?
Many of the social and economic troubles we are experiencing are due to the public’s lack of understanding of the need for economic literacy.
The Jerusalem Post
17 Oct ’10
Perverting public discourse
The PM’s courageous decision to tackle economic concentration was misrepresented by several of our media publications—owned of course by tycoons.
The Wall Street Journal
8 Oct ’10
Breaking Israel’s monopolies
Economic concentration hurts the country’s viability and the chances for peace.
The Jerusalem Post
4 Oct ’10
Israel’s progress undermined
A damaging ethos of ‘welfarism’ and distributive politics has come to dominate not only academia but our cultural, military and even our business elites.
The Jerusalem Post
19 Aug ’10
Unable to decide
The reformers must know the importance of the reform’s success both for Israel and for their careers, and what damage they will incur if it fails.
The Jerusalem Post
13 Jul ’10
Elana Kagan, terrorism and the law
Kagan’s admiration for Justice Aharon Barak’s philosophy may have revealed her own predilection for radical judicial activism.
The Jerusalem Post
30 May ’10
Yes, break them up
We must dismantle the oligarch-owned monopolies that impoverish the Israeli consumer and choke our economy.
The Wall Street Journal
18 May ’10
Land of silicon and money
The OECD’s invitation to Israel is a “seal of approval” but the country still needs more reforms.
The Jerusalem Post
10 Feb ’10
The surprise of it all
The world’s astonishment at Israel’s response to the Haiti disaster is insulting. What we saw there was Israel’s true face.
The Jerusalem Post
10 Jan ’10
Hi-tech prospects and pitfalls
Individual initiative and freedom are essential for creativity—in hi-tech as in all other spheres.
The Jerusalem Post
14 Oct ’09
A woman who knew her worth
As far as Rose Friedman was concerned, public kudos did not matter that much. She persisted in being a rose, no matter what.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Sep ’09
Movies in Nablus, dramas in Bethlehem
Lasting peace must grow from the bottom up, from an “economic peace process” that proves what advantages peace has to offer on a daily basis. It cannot come from signing peace agreements with radical and corrupt entities propped up by corrupting Western handouts.
The Jerusalem Post
15 Aug ’09
Israel’s ‘scrambled’ economic system
A courageous recent film has exposes the strong connection between Israeli oligarchs and bureaucrats. Unfortunately however the film’s simplistic pseudo-Marxist treatment is more misleading than revealing.
The Jerusalem Post
24 May ’09
The economy: look to the future
Netanyahu paid heavily to pass a budget in time; his “partners”’ bargaining tactics, bordering on blackmail, reflect poorly on our politics.
The Jerusalem Post
4 May ’09
Reform: prospects and pitfalls
Binyamin Netanyahu’s recent economic plan has great promise but faces obstacles—such as the media and the Histadrut—that may undermine its success.
The Jerusalem Post
11 Apr ’09
Big government? Yes, but there’s a reason
Is Binyamin Netanyahu’s government too big? Yes. So why would Netanyahu create such an unwieldy beast?
The Jerusalem Post
30 Mar ’09
To bail or not to bail
Should the government bail out those of our tycoons who cannot redeem NIS 100 billion worth of bonds?
The Wall Street Journal
12 Mar ’09
Mideast peace can start with economic growth
Billions of dollars in foreign aid to the Palestinians has resulted in war not peace. There’s a better way.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Feb ’09
Warning cries from Herzliya
The government is dysfunctional. The question is why—and how to mend it.
The Jerusalem Post
2 Feb ’09
A lesser economic evil
All government deficit spending is bad. But sometimes deficits are unavoidable. And some deficits are better then others.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Dec ’08
Spinners and cheaters
Why not exploit the crisis to destroy what little freedom Netanyahu’s reforms brought to the economy? Why care if the country will lose its only hope of deliverance from the economic retardation caused by our statist heritage?
The Jerusalem Post
3 Dec ’08
Precipitating the next collapse
Focusing on a putative pension crisis distracts our attention from the real serious crisis that a worldwide recession is bound to create here.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Oct ’08
The panic-mongers’ one-note chorus
The country, the pundits conclude, must return to the good old days of “social democracy.”
The Jerusalem Post
15 Jul ’08
The banks are bamboozling us again
In the name of stability the comptroller has ignored many of the banks’ offenses.
The Jerusalem Post
29 Apr ’08
An Irish-style banana republic
It must be either naiveté or cynicism that allows “Israel 2028” to recommend a reform that will make government a larger and a more efficient instrument for economic growth.
inFocus
2 Apr ’08
US charity to Israel reconsidered
Jewish institutional efforts must now undergo a period of reform and greater accountability. Some charitable efforts should be privatized. Individuals or groups of donors must take personal responsibility for specific projects, to ensure that funds are dispensed in a responsible and cost effective manner.
The Wall Street Journal
8 Mar ’08
Israel’s no-win strategy
Israeli politicians are preoccupied with political machinations designed to buy support from powerful interest groups by distributing government largesse. This causes not only the factionalization of politics and growing corruption, but consumes time and energy that leadership should use to address life and death issues.
The Jerusalem Post
20 Feb ’08
Dangerous infatuation
Government can no more control powerful economic forces than it can the rise and fall of tides. To effectively fulfill its nightwatchman role—to protect us from internal and external violence and to enforce contracts—government must be kept limited.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Jan ’08
What’s ‘public’ about their broadcasting?
Our “public channel,” funded by a compulsive tax, does not need to be pluralistic or even-handed.
Like other public institutions that lack well-defined ownership, Channel 1 has consequently been taken over by bureaucrats and by undemocratic workers’ unions.
The Jerusalem Post
21 Nov ’07
A year without Milton Friedman
This man did more good for humanity than any other.
The Jerusalem Post
17 Oct ’07
Getting beyond the teachers’ strike
As long as education remains a government monopoly, it is bound to function like all other government monopolies, where union bosses fill the vacuum that lack of defined ownership creates, and monopoly power allows them to blackmail the public.
The Jerusalem Post
19 Sep ’07
A healthy dose of skepticism
In the wake of the Second Lebanon War, there is hope that the phenomenal performance of the economy will finally make Israelis realize the crucial role it plays in their lives.
The Jerusalem Post
14 Aug ’07
How to grow Israeli hi-tech
At the recent Merage Foundation conference to help Israel’s hi-tech sector grow, calls were heard for more government “direction”. This despite sixty years of massive government intervention and “development efforts” that have led mostly to massive failures and waste.
The Jerusalem Post
18 Jul ’07
A president of visions
President Shimon Peres, we all know, is a man of visions. Some have been better than others. The less successful ones, that translated into costly, failing and even dangerous policies, were those that denied reality.