Ariel Sharon would call his top confidant and counsel Reuven Adler several times daily.
Such unelected political operatives wield enormous influence on their clients and, through them, on the most critical national policies.
Filed under:
Even in model democracies, and in nations with stable, deeply-rooted political traditions (like Britain, say), politics is at best a necessary evil. Society needs institutions that can enforce the law, and people choose “representatives” to manage these institutions.
Representative democracy may produce far better governments than all its alternatives, but it still suffers from what economists call “the agency problem” – the fact that when you appoint someone to do something on your behalf, the great likelihood is that he will first serve his own interests, and only afterwards, yours.
This is a problem that threatens even voluntary market transactions, where the incentives for satisfying the wishes of the agents’ clients are high, and accountability can be enforced. It is a far more serious problem in the political marketplace, where “representatives” cannot be easily controlled by voters, because accountability is difficult to define or enforce.
Israeli politics suffers from a very bad case of this agency problem, because government is all pervasive, and “has so much to offer.” As Likud Party Chairman MK Binyamin Netanyahu pointed out in a recent Ari Shavit Haaretz interview, elements in our bureaucracy have been forming unholy alliances with a cabal of oligarchs, transferring to them precious resources and rights (mostly in land and its use, energy, communications etc.) that line their pockets, in return for various “compensations.”
The resulting growth in corruption is transforming our chronic political maladies into a scourge that undermines the basic health of our society.
Corruption breeds on the growing cynicism that has been afflicting Israelis as a result of the demise of ideologies, Left and Right. On the Left, it was the death of socialism that bred either cynicism or an equally destructive leftist radicalism. On the Right it was the demise of the belief in Greater Israel that bred radicalism and cynicism.
In both camps this radicalism and cynicism created a new type of politician, who sanctifies any means in pursuit of his political agenda or of his grab of power for personal aggrandizement and for riches.
THESE POLITICIANS are served by a new type of political operative, “the professional political consultant” who has no qualms serving “ideologies” or politicians that he once strongly condemned and bitterly opposed when he only recently served an opposing ideology or politician.
He also has no qualms bending the law or transgressing it, in fact doing anything “necessary” in order to win, even if it causes enormous damage to the political process and to democratic rule.
A most revealing documentary, All the Campaign’s Men, about several such prominent political operatives, their goals, their modus operandi, and what really motivates them, was recently aired on Channel 10.
The operatives, assisting Labor, Likud but especially the winning Kadima, including Ariel Sharon’s top confidant and counsel Reuven Adler, and his very able colleagues Eyal Arad and Lior Horev, felt apparently so invulnerable that they allowed the program’s director, Anat Goren, free access to their secret strategy sessions. Goren caught them off guard, speaking their minds freely. The picture revealed is frightening.
The documentary records the enormous influence these unelected political operatives have on their clients and through them on the most critical national policies.
Sharon’s first act every morning, after reading the press, was to call Adler and consult with him about his agenda, affirming Henry Kissinger’s observation that Israel has no foreign policy, only domestic politics.
Sharon called Adler several times daily. Adler proudly relates how he conceived the creation of Kadima, “designed” it as a brand-name product, sold it to a reluctant Sharon and then to an unaware public; how he helped transform Sharon from one of Israel’s most hated politicians to a beloved grandfatherly elder statesman, making not only cosmetic changes in Sharon’s image, but actually changing (apparently with assistance from Omri, Sharon’s son) his most deeply held convictions and his policies.
This without any public scrutiny or debate, and in total disregard of obligations Sharon undertook to get elected. Also in the program, Adler is seen boasting of his ability to totally control the media and mould public opinion anyway he wishes.
Two weeks before Sharon was elected prime minister, charges surfaced that he received bribes through Cyril Kern. The charges threatened his election prospects. But as Adler proudly relates, he simply made them disappear.
We can only guess by what means. Adler also boasts how he targeted Netanyahu as the campaign’s chief object of hatred, and how the media cooperated with few reservations.
IT IS, of course, a politician’s right to change his mind, and to do so after consultations with people he feels close to and trusts. What is worrisome is that we are not only kept in the dark about the nature of such “consultations” and why they resulted in revolutionary policy shifts that profoundly affect our lives.
We also have no information about who initiates these shifts, for what reason and what interests they represent (gambling in Jericho and Eilat, perhaps?). We do not know their qualifications as policy makers or what abilities they have besides their ability to sell almost anything, and to do so in the most aggressive and underhanded manner imaginable, with no constraints or consideration except a drive to win at all costs.
The wish to win is natural, of course. But is the price we and Israeli democracy pay for such victories not very excessive?
Log in or Register
Chicanery prevails in Israeli campaigns
The Jerusalem Post
7 Jun ’06
Ariel Sharon would call his top confidant and counsel Reuven Adler several times daily.
Such unelected political operatives wield enormous influence on their clients and, through them, on the most critical national policies.
Filed under:
Even in model democracies, and in nations with stable, deeply-rooted political traditions (like Britain, say), politics is at best a necessary evil. Society needs institutions that can enforce the law, and people choose “representatives” to manage these institutions.
Representative democracy may produce far better governments than all its alternatives, but it still suffers from what economists call “the agency problem” – the fact that when you appoint someone to do something on your behalf, the great likelihood is that he will first serve his own interests, and only afterwards, yours.
This is a problem that threatens even voluntary market transactions, where the incentives for satisfying the wishes of the agents’ clients are high, and accountability can be enforced. It is a far more serious problem in the political marketplace, where “representatives” cannot be easily controlled by voters, because accountability is difficult to define or enforce.
Israeli politics suffers from a very bad case of this agency problem, because government is all pervasive, and “has so much to offer.” As Likud Party Chairman MK Binyamin Netanyahu pointed out in a recent Ari Shavit Haaretz interview, elements in our bureaucracy have been forming unholy alliances with a cabal of oligarchs, transferring to them precious resources and rights (mostly in land and its use, energy, communications etc.) that line their pockets, in return for various “compensations.”
The resulting growth in corruption is transforming our chronic political maladies into a scourge that undermines the basic health of our society.
Corruption breeds on the growing cynicism that has been afflicting Israelis as a result of the demise of ideologies, Left and Right. On the Left, it was the death of socialism that bred either cynicism or an equally destructive leftist radicalism. On the Right it was the demise of the belief in Greater Israel that bred radicalism and cynicism.
In both camps this radicalism and cynicism created a new type of politician, who sanctifies any means in pursuit of his political agenda or of his grab of power for personal aggrandizement and for riches.
THESE POLITICIANS are served by a new type of political operative, “the professional political consultant” who has no qualms serving “ideologies” or politicians that he once strongly condemned and bitterly opposed when he only recently served an opposing ideology or politician.
He also has no qualms bending the law or transgressing it, in fact doing anything “necessary” in order to win, even if it causes enormous damage to the political process and to democratic rule.
A most revealing documentary, All the Campaign’s Men, about several such prominent political operatives, their goals, their modus operandi, and what really motivates them, was recently aired on Channel 10.
The operatives, assisting Labor, Likud but especially the winning Kadima, including Ariel Sharon’s top confidant and counsel Reuven Adler, and his very able colleagues Eyal Arad and Lior Horev, felt apparently so invulnerable that they allowed the program’s director, Anat Goren, free access to their secret strategy sessions. Goren caught them off guard, speaking their minds freely. The picture revealed is frightening.
The documentary records the enormous influence these unelected political operatives have on their clients and through them on the most critical national policies.
Sharon’s first act every morning, after reading the press, was to call Adler and consult with him about his agenda, affirming Henry Kissinger’s observation that Israel has no foreign policy, only domestic politics.
Sharon called Adler several times daily. Adler proudly relates how he conceived the creation of Kadima, “designed” it as a brand-name product, sold it to a reluctant Sharon and then to an unaware public; how he helped transform Sharon from one of Israel’s most hated politicians to a beloved grandfatherly elder statesman, making not only cosmetic changes in Sharon’s image, but actually changing (apparently with assistance from Omri, Sharon’s son) his most deeply held convictions and his policies.
This without any public scrutiny or debate, and in total disregard of obligations Sharon undertook to get elected. Also in the program, Adler is seen boasting of his ability to totally control the media and mould public opinion anyway he wishes.
Two weeks before Sharon was elected prime minister, charges surfaced that he received bribes through Cyril Kern. The charges threatened his election prospects. But as Adler proudly relates, he simply made them disappear.
We can only guess by what means. Adler also boasts how he targeted Netanyahu as the campaign’s chief object of hatred, and how the media cooperated with few reservations.
IT IS, of course, a politician’s right to change his mind, and to do so after consultations with people he feels close to and trusts. What is worrisome is that we are not only kept in the dark about the nature of such “consultations” and why they resulted in revolutionary policy shifts that profoundly affect our lives.
We also have no information about who initiates these shifts, for what reason and what interests they represent (gambling in Jericho and Eilat, perhaps?). We do not know their qualifications as policy makers or what abilities they have besides their ability to sell almost anything, and to do so in the most aggressive and underhanded manner imaginable, with no constraints or consideration except a drive to win at all costs.
The wish to win is natural, of course. But is the price we and Israeli democracy pay for such victories not very excessive?
More recent commentary
The New Republic
19 May ’11
Economic Miracle
A Middle East peace strategy that could actually work.
The Jerusalem Post
15 Mar ’11
The government-tycoons-media triangle
Israel needs to slash its state budget by as much as possible if it wants a chance at fighting waste and corruption.
The Jerusalem Post
9 Mar ’11
Welfare and rebellion: The economic factor in the Arab uprisings
Too little attention has been paid to how Egypt’s socialist past and welfare-state present shaped the current rebellion.
The Jerusalem Post
7 Feb ’11
Is all quiet on the economic front?
The Herzliya Conference has become an important international event, but one central issue is absent: Israel’s debilitating economic concentration.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Jan ’11
Teaching an elephant to dance
It’s highly unlikely that government can ever learn to make long-term plans and execute them efficiently.
The Jerusalem Post
23 Dec ’10
Hellenization and Enlightenment: Post-Hanukka ruminations
How can one dare compare narrow-minded religion with the all-embracing faith of universality and equality that is socialism?
The Jerusalem Post
1 Dec ’10
Would Milton Friedman have approved?
Many of the social and economic troubles we are experiencing are due to the public’s lack of understanding of the need for economic literacy.
The Jerusalem Post
17 Oct ’10
Perverting public discourse
The PM’s courageous decision to tackle economic concentration was misrepresented by several of our media publications—owned of course by tycoons.
The Wall Street Journal
8 Oct ’10
Breaking Israel’s monopolies
Economic concentration hurts the country’s viability and the chances for peace.
The Jerusalem Post
4 Oct ’10
Israel’s progress undermined
A damaging ethos of ‘welfarism’ and distributive politics has come to dominate not only academia but our cultural, military and even our business elites.
The Jerusalem Post
19 Aug ’10
Unable to decide
The reformers must know the importance of the reform’s success both for Israel and for their careers, and what damage they will incur if it fails.
The Jerusalem Post
13 Jul ’10
Elana Kagan, terrorism and the law
Kagan’s admiration for Justice Aharon Barak’s philosophy may have revealed her own predilection for radical judicial activism.
The Jerusalem Post
30 May ’10
Yes, break them up
We must dismantle the oligarch-owned monopolies that impoverish the Israeli consumer and choke our economy.
The Wall Street Journal
18 May ’10
Land of silicon and money
The OECD’s invitation to Israel is a “seal of approval” but the country still needs more reforms.
The Jerusalem Post
10 Feb ’10
The surprise of it all
The world’s astonishment at Israel’s response to the Haiti disaster is insulting. What we saw there was Israel’s true face.
The Jerusalem Post
10 Jan ’10
Hi-tech prospects and pitfalls
Individual initiative and freedom are essential for creativity—in hi-tech as in all other spheres.
The Jerusalem Post
14 Oct ’09
A woman who knew her worth
As far as Rose Friedman was concerned, public kudos did not matter that much. She persisted in being a rose, no matter what.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Sep ’09
Movies in Nablus, dramas in Bethlehem
Lasting peace must grow from the bottom up, from an “economic peace process” that proves what advantages peace has to offer on a daily basis. It cannot come from signing peace agreements with radical and corrupt entities propped up by corrupting Western handouts.
The Jerusalem Post
15 Aug ’09
Israel’s ‘scrambled’ economic system
A courageous recent film has exposes the strong connection between Israeli oligarchs and bureaucrats. Unfortunately however the film’s simplistic pseudo-Marxist treatment is more misleading than revealing.
The Jerusalem Post
24 May ’09
The economy: look to the future
Netanyahu paid heavily to pass a budget in time; his “partners”’ bargaining tactics, bordering on blackmail, reflect poorly on our politics.
The Jerusalem Post
4 May ’09
Reform: prospects and pitfalls
Binyamin Netanyahu’s recent economic plan has great promise but faces obstacles—such as the media and the Histadrut—that may undermine its success.
The Jerusalem Post
11 Apr ’09
Big government? Yes, but there’s a reason
Is Binyamin Netanyahu’s government too big? Yes. So why would Netanyahu create such an unwieldy beast?
The Jerusalem Post
30 Mar ’09
To bail or not to bail
Should the government bail out those of our tycoons who cannot redeem NIS 100 billion worth of bonds?
The Wall Street Journal
12 Mar ’09
Mideast peace can start with economic growth
Billions of dollars in foreign aid to the Palestinians has resulted in war not peace. There’s a better way.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Feb ’09
Warning cries from Herzliya
The government is dysfunctional. The question is why—and how to mend it.
The Jerusalem Post
2 Feb ’09
A lesser economic evil
All government deficit spending is bad. But sometimes deficits are unavoidable. And some deficits are better then others.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Dec ’08
Spinners and cheaters
Why not exploit the crisis to destroy what little freedom Netanyahu’s reforms brought to the economy? Why care if the country will lose its only hope of deliverance from the economic retardation caused by our statist heritage?
The Jerusalem Post
3 Dec ’08
Precipitating the next collapse
Focusing on a putative pension crisis distracts our attention from the real serious crisis that a worldwide recession is bound to create here.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Oct ’08
The panic-mongers’ one-note chorus
The country, the pundits conclude, must return to the good old days of “social democracy.”
The Jerusalem Post
15 Jul ’08
The banks are bamboozling us again
In the name of stability the comptroller has ignored many of the banks’ offenses.
The Jerusalem Post
29 Apr ’08
An Irish-style banana republic
It must be either naiveté or cynicism that allows “Israel 2028” to recommend a reform that will make government a larger and a more efficient instrument for economic growth.
The New York Sun
29 Apr ’08
Israel still doesn’t get economy
Israel’s elites—especially the chattering classes in the press and the academy—are hostile to capitalism because our universities’ social sciences and liberal arts departments are dominated by post-modernist and neo-Marxist professors.
Ideas matter. Hostility to capitalism exacts a great price from the Israeli economy and from its hapless workers.
inFocus
2 Apr ’08
US charity to Israel reconsidered
Jewish institutional efforts must now undergo a period of reform and greater accountability. Some charitable efforts should be privatized. Individuals or groups of donors must take personal responsibility for specific projects, to ensure that funds are dispensed in a responsible and cost effective manner.
The Wall Street Journal
8 Mar ’08
Israel’s no-win strategy
Israeli politicians are preoccupied with political machinations designed to buy support from powerful interest groups by distributing government largesse. This causes not only the factionalization of politics and growing corruption, but consumes time and energy that leadership should use to address life and death issues.
The Jerusalem Post
20 Feb ’08
Dangerous infatuation
Government can no more control powerful economic forces than it can the rise and fall of tides. To effectively fulfill its nightwatchman role—to protect us from internal and external violence and to enforce contracts—government must be kept limited.
The Jerusalem Post
22 Jan ’08
What’s ‘public’ about their broadcasting?
Our “public channel,” funded by a compulsive tax, does not need to be pluralistic or even-handed.
Like other public institutions that lack well-defined ownership, Channel 1 has consequently been taken over by bureaucrats and by undemocratic workers’ unions.
The Jerusalem Post
21 Nov ’07
A year without Milton Friedman
This man did more good for humanity than any other.
The Jerusalem Post
17 Oct ’07
Getting beyond the teachers’ strike
As long as education remains a government monopoly, it is bound to function like all other government monopolies, where union bosses fill the vacuum that lack of defined ownership creates, and monopoly power allows them to blackmail the public.
The Jerusalem Post
19 Sep ’07
A healthy dose of skepticism
In the wake of the Second Lebanon War, there is hope that the phenomenal performance of the economy will finally make Israelis realize the crucial role it plays in their lives.
The Jerusalem Post
14 Aug ’07
How to grow Israeli hi-tech
At the recent Merage Foundation conference to help Israel’s hi-tech sector grow, calls were heard for more government “direction”. This despite sixty years of massive government intervention and “development efforts” that have led mostly to massive failures and waste.